 Project Independence – After 56 Years:
The Nation-Building Project - Choices “31st of August 1962, I, a little dah dah head boy watch on de by-pass, as colonial motorcade with de Queen face pass, on de by-pass. Forged from the love of liberty, but de country in de hands of the Yankee”. These are the opening words of a poem by Lancelot Doughty, a people’s poet of San Fernando. In his own way he records that day, the day when the Colonial “motorcade” passed. But, there was a ‘but’. Did our two-island state really claim its sovereignty and break free of the web of a Plantation economy, a Crown Colony governance system and begin our path to development, building a society in favour of the people of Trinidad and Tobago? “Massa day done!” was the cry. This was opportunity to embark on the nation-building project; our ‘land’s great dawning’ as one of our earliest ‘nation-building’ songs proclaimed. It was a heady time, a time of great expectations. It was a time for making choices, choices about the overall shape of the nation-building project – by whom and to what end. How to reshape the relationship between Tobago and Trinidad. It was a time about making choices about the economy – how to build it, who to lead it, how to serve overall development, choices about the distribution of wealth. Choices were to be made about governance – what kind of political and electoral systems, in whom or what is sovereignty to be vested. The principal blueprint of the institutions of governance were decided at Marlborough House – the Independence Constitution. Who decided? The two-party political construct arbiters and the departing colonial power. More choices. How to shape the culture, social relations, race relations, building our new nation and society. Tackling the Nation-building Project Right here, on our shores, other conversations were proceeding. Organisations, other than the political parties, were discussing the shaping of the economy and a range of actions to be components of the Nation-building project. These represented, in today’s terms, the non-governmental organisations intervention. There were organisations like the New World Group analyzing our Caribbean strategic economic options. Lloyd Best, Arthur Lewis and others were there. There was also Pegasus, examining various elements of nation-building. This group was founded and led by Geddes Granger (later Makandal Daaga). Both were formed in the year of Independence – 1962. The New World Group was more regional in its activity. Pegasus was TT-focused. Not much is known widely about Pegasus and its contribution to our nation-building project. A detailed history of its work was presented by Roy Mitchell, its President, at a Conference on the 20th Anniversary of the 1970 Revolution at UWI in April 1990. Pegasus –
In the early years of Independence, all these initiatives of the people were usurped by the political directorate. They were stalled, delayed or just never implemented. A National Stadium was built long after but in Port of Spain. NAPA came much later and on the same site chosen by Pegasus. Port of Spain was never re-planned and has degenerated into a shameful excuse for a capital city. The Direction for the Economy The period between the end of World War II and 1962 was an important period for this country. The oil industry which had major expansion due to the British military modernization and expansion in both World Wars became the main factor in the country’s GDP and exports (up to 80% of foreign exchange earnings by 1960-61). By 1956 Texaco and UBOT/Shell dominated both oil production and refining. Sugar and cocoa exports dominated the agriculture sector and by 1960 the Tate & Lyle monopoly was complete in the sugar industry. The expansion of world cocoa production saw the flavouring cocoas exported by this country losing market share. A significant manufacturing sector was emerging. There were two influences – the need for goods to supply the US military bases during the War and the adoption of the Puerto Rican-style ‘industrialisation by invitation’ strategy adopted in 1946-47. Tourism development was also based on offering tax concessions and incentives. While oil and sugar exports and manufacturing predominated in Trinidad, in Tobago, only in the 1950’s was there any significant development, largely due largely to the efforts of the island’s sole Parliamentary representative, A.P.T. James. Electricity supply began in 1952, water production facilities from 1926 were expanded and a deep water harbour established at Scarborough. Tobago exported large amounts of food crops in the decades up to the 1950’s and tourism development, started in the 1930’s, expanded in the 1950’s to become the major economic activity and source of employment. The public sector after 1959 was becoming increasingly significant in promoting growth as Five-Year Plans were introduced in 1950. While oil dominated exports, manufacturing failed to become an important foreign export earner, importation of capital, foreign input goods and services increased. But, the growth areas in the economy created or maintained relatively few jobs. Economic growth of 8-10% per annum in the 6 years leading to 1961 declined to 1% in 1962 as world oil prices plunged. In these circumstances, the reliance on the oil industry, heavy foreign ownership in oil, sugar, banking and finance and manufacturing sectors, continuation of concessionary ‘pioneer industry’ policies in manufacturing and tourism, absence of comprehensive agricultural planning all were continued at the start of project Independence in 1962. Cultural Identity The nation-building project needed not only an economic foundation, forging a cultural identity was a vital aspect. In the context of the drive for ‘home rule’ and decolonization particularly after the Butler Riots, the forging of a new cultural identity began. The work of those involved in the creative sectors – writers and artists in various fields – looked to the fledgling society for inspiration and contributed to national and world culture. Beryl McBernie emerged in the 30’s and 40’s as a pioneer researching and promoting folk culture and African, Indian, French and Spanish cultural traditions, using the Little Carib Theatre as a vehicle. The staunch defence by the people of the Shouter Baptists, calypso, steelband, oral traditions among the communities of people of African and Indian origin also contributed to creating the new cultural identity. By 1962, Pegasus promoted the recognition of indigenous artists and cultural contributors with the introduction its Artistic and Cultural Awards as its first project. The hope for Project Independence was the flourishing of this new cultural identity. Political Development The demand for increased political participation of the majority of the society and dismantling of the Crown Colony system was interrupted by World War II. Trade union activity was suppressed, and Butler and other leaders of the workers’ movement were detained. In 1946-7, in response to rising prices, low wages and unemployment, labour struggles exploded to again be suppressed using an Emergency Powers Ordinance. The political powers promoted ‘responsible’ trade unionism in preference to ‘Butlerism’. The structures of power were adjusted as changes began in the 1940’s. The numbers of elected officials vs nominated un-officials in the Legislative Council was increased. In the Executive Council, the elected members were increased to 2 in 1941 and 4 in 1944. The demand for expansion of the Right to Vote finally succeeded in 1946 with the eligibility of all persons over 21 to vote. Attempts to limit this universal adult suffrage using property and income qualifications and even ability to understand spoken English were defeated. The era of mass electoral politics began with 46% of the population registered to vote. The number of political parties increased, and several independent candidates participated in the 1946 Elections. By 1950, a Cabinet-like administrative system was introduced. In the elections of that year, though more seats (18) were contested and Butler’s party became the largest single group in the legislature, they were excluded from the Executive Council. Albert Gomes was put in charge of the ‘ministerial’ regime. By the 1956 Elections, 3 new parties were formed, the West Indian Independence Party (1952), the People’s Democratic Party (1953) and the People’s National Movement (1955). A Cabinet with a Chief Minister was now introduced. The PNM won 13 seats, the PDP 5, the TLP, Butlerites and Independents won 2 seats each. The PNM formed the Government and Dr. Williams was Premier. In 1957, the PDP, Trinidad Labour Party and Political Progress Group united to form the Democratic Labour Party. In 1961, internal self-government with a bi-cameral legislature was in place and the PNM won the general elections with 20 of 30 seats. The DLP became the Opposition. This was the cementing of the 2-party system. Like the concentration in the economy of monopolies in oil and sugar, in the electoral and political spheres between 1946 and 1961, the participation in electoral politics was concentrated from several parties and independents to just 2 main parties. The hope for the Independence Project was for further democratization of the governance system and for real participation of the people in decision-making. The choices made in 1962 in terms of the control of the nation-building project, the architecture of the government system and location of sovereignty, the continuation of the policy of ‘industrialisation by invitation’, the further development of the culture of the new nation were to determine the people’s assessment of project Independence in the early years and their reaction to the effects of the choices made. Those reactions will be examined in Part 3. Clyde A Weatherhead A Citizen Fighting for Democratic Renewal of Our Society 17 August 2018 Following the ruling of the Privy Council yesterday, dismissing the appeal of the Chief Justice in Hon. Chief Justice of TT v Law Association of TT - Privy Council Appeal No. 0063 of 2018; [2018] UKPC23, some lawywers have commented in a daily newspaper this way:
Lawyers: Enough evidence to trigger impeachment of CJ Senior attorneys are suggesting that there is enough evidence for Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley to trigger impeachment proceedings for Chief Justice Ivor Archie even before the Law Association completes its review of a report into the matter. They made their comments in response to yesterday’s ju... THE LAW ASSOCIATION's INVESTIGATION DID NOT ADD TO THE ALLEGATIONS AGAINST THE CJ. THE PM REFUSED TO ACT ON INFORMATION IN THE 'PUBLIC DOMAIN' IN RESPECT OF THE CJ. BUT, THE PM ACTED ON INFORMATION IN THE 'PUBLIC DOMAIN' TO SET UP AN SSC TO INVESTIGATE THE 'FLAWED' PROCESS OF RECRUITMENT OF A CoP,. THE MOST SEROUS ALLEGATION AGAINST THE CJ IS THAT HE MAY HAVE INTERFERED IN THE ROLE OF THE POLICE BY 'INSTRUCTING' THEM TO CEASE PROTECTION FOR A JUDGE. THE PM SHOULD HAVE INSTITUTED HIS OWN 'INVESTIGATION' INTO THE ALLEGATIONS A LONG TIME AGO. THE 'LAWYERS' AND THE LATT COULD HAVE CALLED ON THE PM TO TRIGGER s.137 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE CJ LONG BEFORE NOW. I argued in my post of 9 March that the PM should have acted a long time ago. clydeweatherheadsite.net/discussion/cj-v-latt-getting-to-the-nana-of-the-matter Just as PM Manning wrote to then CJ Sharma in a similar matter to make his own enquiry. Just as PM Rowley called 'his friend' re fake oil allegations, he could have written to the CJ about all the allegations in the 'public domain' and satisfied himself whether he should recommend s.137 proceedings to the President.  Project Independence – After 56 Years:
The Approaching Years & Context As we approach the 56th Anniversary this month-end, we have the opportunity once more to reflect on Project Independence with the valuable experience of these years behind us. I guess the fact that 1962 – the birth of our nation was only 6 years beyond my own coming into being in this world provides me with the excuse or possibility of reflecting on the experience. For the elder ones, their reflections would probably be more profound than mine could ever be. Like with all worthwhile projects, it is useful to engage in evaluation at points along the timeline to see Where We Were, Where We Are and Where We Are Going. Such evaluation would be most effective if we had Gantt Charts (Project Plans) which would have projected a critical path, the targets of which would be timed and measurable. What we had at Day One, were more hopes, sentiments and expectations rather than a chartered course for the journey we set out on as a newly-independent nation on August 31, 1962. A look back at what our circumstances were in the approaching years and the context – internal and international - which would have helped to shape those circumstances would be useful only if to remind us of Where We Were. The Context of History It is tempting to go all the way back to the point of European contact with our islands in 1492 to establish context. However, for the purposes of evaluating Project Independence, a more useful starting point may be what might be called the Struggle for Independence 1937 -1962. That period began with the anti-colonial revolt we call the Butler Riots. This anti-colonial struggle was spread across the nation and linked to similar events in other Caribbean territories. It was both an economic and political battle which challenged the very foundations of the colonial imposition of the British Empire. Inscribed on its banner were 2 vital slogans – Let Those Who Labour Hold the Reins and the Demand for Home Rule (the call for self-determination). This Struggle for Independence, of course, was built on the experience of developments and movements of our people in the early years of the 20th Century, extending back to Emancipation. Here are some mile markers in this important period:
With this background of emerging economic downturn, the rise of divisive racial tension in politics, cementing of 2-party political and electoral processes, growing strength and militancy of the trade union movement, the Independence Day approached. This was a development also encouraged by the rapidly successful Decolonisation Movement among the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America which were gaining momentous victories in their struggles for an end to colonial rule. The successes of Indian Independence (1947), the Chinese Revolution (1949), defeat of the French at Dien Bien Phu in Viet Nam (1955), the convening of the Bandung Conference (1955) involving 29 newly independent Asian and African countries, the Cuban Revolution (1959), establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement (1961) – all of these provided more encouragement for countries seeking Independence and accelerated the demise of the British and other European Empires. The emergence of Cold War and superpower rivalry for world hegemony was also a factor in the context of the situation as August 31, 1962 approached. It was a complex historical moment, with both positive and negative aspects. Internally, the demand for Home Rule, for Representative Government, for Nationalisation of the oil industry were all driving the demand for Independence. However, the emergence of racially divisive politics between the Federal Elections in 1958 and the 1961 Elections, were a negative factor which was to influence the very negotiation of the Constitutional arrangements for Project Independence. All of these factors would also have a profound effect on the nation-building project that was to begin from Independence Day 1962. In the next instalment of reflections, I shall examine the commencement of the nation-building project and some of the choices made in and after 1962 and their effect on Project Independence. Clyde A Weatherhead A Citizen Fighting for Democratic Renewal of Our Society 11 August 2018 |
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